1. Country Profile

Capital: Algiers
Population: 34,586,184 (July 2010 est.)
Urban population: 63% of total (2005) 
Ethnic groups: Arab-Berber 99%, European less than 1%
Religions: Sunni Muslims 99%, Christians and Jews (1%)
Regime Type: Republic since 3.07.1962
Head of state (Last Elections 9.04.2009):  President Abdelaziz Bouteflika (since 1999, last elections were possible after amendments in constitution which allowed a third term for the incumbent president)
Head of Government: Prime Minister Ahmed Ouyahia, RND. 3rd time (since 23.06.2008)
Council of Ministers is composed of Prime Minister (PM), deputy PM, a state minister (representative of the Head of State), 29 ministers, four junior ministers, two secretaries of state and the secretary-general of the government.
Parliament, bicameral:
* National People's Assembly, 389 seats (5 year term; last elections held in April 2007 (boycotted by several parties and organisations), next elections due in May 2012)*:
*The information concerning smaller parties differs depending on the source.
Presidential Alliance: National Liberation Front (Old national unity party; 136), National Democratic Rally (Renegade of the FLN; 61), The Movement of Society for Peace (Ex-Hamas, Islamist Party; 52) 
Opposition: Worker's Party (Trotskyist, 26), Rally for Culture and Democracy (secularist Berber, Democratic- Republican Movement, 19), Algerian National Front (13), National Movement for Nature and Development (MNND, 7), Movement for National Reform (Islamist Party, 3) Independents/Others (33/39). Historic left wing party Front of Socialist Forces (FFS) boycotted elections.
Turnout was only 35%, the lowest of any Algerian election to date.
* Council of the Nation, 144 seats (6 year term, 2/3 elected, 1/3 appointed by the President)
Freedom House Ranking: NOT FREE (2010)
Democracy index (2010): Authoritarian regime
GDP / Capita (2009): $4,029 US$
GDP Growth: 2,1% (2009)
Literacy Rate: 73% of people aged 15 and above (2006) 
Labour Participation Rate: 58,3% of total population aged 15+ (2008)
Unemployment Rate: 9.9%
Youth Unemployment Rate: 21,5%
Human Development Index (2010): 0.677 (84/169 in 2010)
Press Freedom Index: 133/178
Corruption perception index and ranking: 2,9/10 and 105/178 (2010)

(Regional) protest and reforms by the government
 
2. Current Political Situation and Key Issues
*text partly from the EP Country briefing
The Algerian protests started already end of December 2010 which followed localised protests common already from 2005 (according to Said Sadi, leader of the Rally for Culture and Democracy, during 2010 there were "9700 riots and unrests" in Algeria) which had been organised mainly by unions. Main causes according to protesters were (youth) unemployment and the lack of financial support in case of unemployment, food-price inflation, and lack of housing, corruption, poor living conditions and restrictions on freedom of speech. Though Algeria has experienced prosperity thanks to being the third largest natural gas supplier, the resulting profit has not been equally distributed.
From January/February 2011, mid-sized protests, some of them leading to small-scale clashes with police, and strikes became a daily occurrence in the capital Algiers and in other bigger cities sparked by sudden rises in food prices which were the result of global trends but also due to newly imposed regulations. The protests in neighbouring Tunisia also contributed to the mood and Algeria was the second country after Tunisia in North Africa to be hit by riots organised mainly by under 30-year-olds who make up 75% of the nation. The demonstrations were led by opposition parties, trade unions and human rights organisations which were organised under the umbrella of the Coordination for National Change and Democracy (CNDC). Initially the demonstrations were also illegal under the state of emergency which was still in place from 1991, which was however lifted by government in late February under pressure from demonstrators.
The government responded to the protests by measures (higher state subsidies, tariff reductions, increased imports and discounts) to lower food prices and approved increases in public spending by 25 percent proposing pay increases for public sector workers, creating work for young unemployed people and building new houses. The measures also included competition and commercial law changes. The fiscal expenditure for 2011 is also 25% higher than 2010, with extra funding for housing programmes, public-sector salary increases, commodity subsidies and for creation youth employment and micro-credit initiatives which will however result in a 10-12% budget deficit. By August, more than one million new jobs had been created. With the same objective, a complementary financial law was passed by the Parliament in June.
The President Bouteflika has several times also promised imminent political reforms. In April, the President announced a package of reforms of the political system with senate President Abdelkader Bensalah as the president of the Reform Commission. Consultations involved a vast number of senior politicians but opposition parties described the process as a political manoeuvre designed merely to ease social tensions. Representatives of student and youth organisations regretted that all elements of society were not represented. Opposition parties have called for a constituent assembly encompassing representatives of the wide political spectrum and the civil society.
As a part of the ongoing political reform process, a range of laws are being examined in the Algerian Parliament. The new Information Law opens the media sector for competition, decriminalises press offences and established a regulatory body to strengthen press freedoms.
Political Party Law reform aims at increasing transparency in political party financing and at fighting corruption in politics. It will however not open up the political scene to new parties in the forthcoming elections, as it obliges all parties who have previously deposited applications for registration to redeposit their dossiers.
A reform of the Electoral Law to increase public control over political office holders and to expand the representation of women in politics (quota of 33% foreseen) and a reform of the laws regulating local and regional administrations (devolution of powers) are also foreseen.
After the 2012 elections, the new parliament is expected to reform the Constitution. Any changes, whilst being promised to increase political accountability, are likely to be limited. The political parties are at the same time preparing themselves for the presidential elections coming up in 2014 at the latest. News on the poor state of health of President Bouteflika has accentuated the internal speculations about the succession issue. The main contenders for the post are Abdelaziz Belkhadem, secretary-general of the FLN (65) and Ahmed Ouyahia, PM and president of the RND (59).
Whilst the representatives of the government coalition parties have expressed satisfaction with the plans, the opposition has criticised that the measures are not far-reaching enough. Instead they warn against the persistence of security-centred actions and continuation of dubious mixture of economic and energy deals with political considerations. Human rights activists, such as the Algerian Human Rights League (LADDH) have expressed disappointment with the new legal provisions concerning association rights, which still contain important constraints and restrictions. Many media representatives, however, have reacted with enthusiasm to the opening up of the audio-visual field to competition.
The real challenge for the Algerian political establishment is to increase public confidence in politics and to decrease the distance between “the street” and the political establishment. Although frustration at the government is widespread, Algerians are reluctant to risk a descent into civil war, having experienced such a conflict in the 1990s. Other reasons for the failure of the protests are: the combination of economic measures and sustained strong military presence in a variety of sectors of society and skilfully managed restrictions on individual rights enabled the regime to respond to the protests. Moreover, the Algerian political system, although opaque, tolerates criticism both by the independent press and by the man in the street. It gives the impression of a tolerant and open system, bending the rules of pluralism. In times of turmoil in the region, the Algerian government, despite its corrupted credentials, managed to present in a positive light the progress reached under its rule, political stability reigning in the country despite Islamist militant activity, as well as gradual civil society and economic liberal reforms introduced.
Opposition activists were initially optimistic about the political implication of the public protests and described them as "a revolt, and probably a revolution, of an oppressed people". However, an uprising against political repression and social deprivation strong enough to force the regime to a fundamental change did not arise in Algeria. Algerian public protests were too weak to tip over the economically and politically firmly established system towards hazards of political instability and economic uncertainties.
Devoid of prospects of genuine representation in elected institutions and politics free from vested interests, the people are at the same time ready to continue protesting against the deficient legitimacy of the political system and corruption, and giving the regime a chance to improve their material conditions whilst opting for the maintenance of stability in the country. The stability factor is ever more precious in Algeria given the recent experience with Islamist militant groups.
The current Islamist militant groups, Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), which originated as the Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat (GSPC), and the Armed Islamic Group (GIA) operate despite the repressive measures by the Algerian authorities. Also the (bomb) attacks by Islamists and fights (which include victims) with governmental forces are still continuing in the country.
The Algerian Government is working on constructive relationships with the new authorities in Tunisia and Egypt but without enthusiasm. Resisting for a long time the pressure from regional and international allies, Algeria was late in recognising the National Transitional Council as the legitimate representative of the Libyan people, in fear of setting a precedent in legitimising revolutions as effective means of power shift. In the crucial days of the Libyan civil war, Algeria offered political asylum to the ousted leader’s wife seven other members of the Qadhafi family. Lately, however, it has become more and more evident that the presence of members of the clan of the ousted dictator on Algerian soil is a diplomatic burden, especially the statements by the daughter of Gaddafi. The Algerian government has also denied allegations that it has directly assisted the ousted Libyan leader in the last months of his rule.

3. EU / Algeria  Relations
On 13/02/11, the European Parliament President Jerzy Buzek has called on Algerian authorities to refrain from violence, immediately release protesters and respect freedom of assembly.
EU-Cooperation: The Association Agreement between EU/Algeria entered into force in 2005, but the implementation is very limited. For e.g. EU Multiannual Programming for Algeria (2011-2013) is only € 172 Million
Relations with the EU are stable, as Algeria is the EU's 5th largest energy supplier, providing some 25% of the EU’s gas imports. 53,4% of Algerian exports go to the EU. Algeria exports Mineral fuels, lubricants and related materials (96,4%) and imports machinery (41%) from the EU.
 

4. Like Minded Partners
A. Sister Party
Front des Forces Socialistes, FFS/ Socialist Forces Front, FFS (Boycotted the 2002 elections)
 
5. Summary of last parliamentary elections in 2007 (information from the website of European Forum http://www.europeanforum.net/country/algeria; the information on smaller parties slightly differs depending on the source):

Party

Number of votes

Percentage

Number of seats

National Liberation Front (FLN)

1,315,686

22.98 %

136

National Democratic Rally (RND)

591,31

10.33 %

61

Movement of Society for Peace (MSP)

552,104

9.64 %

52

Workers' Party (PT)

291,312

5.09 %

26

Rally for Culture and Democracy (RCD)

239,563

4.18 %

19

Algerian National Front (FNA)

192,49

3.36 %

13

National Movement for Nature and Development (MNND)

114,767

2.00 %

7

Independent Candidates

562,986

9.83 %

33

Other Candidates

1,865,869

32.59 %

42

6. Main Parliamentary parties (information (which has been updated) from the website of the European Forum http://www.europeanforum.net/country/algeria)
National Liberation Front (FLN)
The National Liberation Front (FLN) was set up on 1 November 1954 as a merger of other smaller groups as a socialist party, to obtain independence for Algeria from France. The FLN's ideology was primarily Algerian nationalist, understood as a movement within a wider Arab nationalism. It essentially drew its political self-legitimization from three sources: Nationalism, and the revolutionary war against France; Socialism, loosely interpreted as a popular anti-exploitation creed; Islam, defined as a main foundation for the national consciousness, and a crucial factor in solidifying the Algerian identity as separate from that of French Algerians or pied-noirs.
During the 1980s the FLN toned down the socialist content of its programme. The FLN was deprived of its hegemonic position in 1989 when the political arena was opened up. The FLN is a member of the presidential alliance together with the Movement of Society for Peace and the National Rally for Democracy, which is a three party political alliance created in 2005.
The outcome of 2002 elections marked the FLN’s return to Algeria’s political centre stage and is mainly due to the popularity of the former secretary-general of the FLN Ali Benflis who was a candidate for the presidential elections where he received however only 6.4% of the votes. After the elections Abdelaziz Belkhadem took control of the party.
Website: http://www.pfln.org.dz/

National Democratic Rally (RND)
The RND is also a part of Algeria’s governing coalition. The leader of the party is the Prime Minister Ahmed Ouyahia.
The RND is a member of the presidential alliance. They are loyal to the current President of Algeria, Abdelaziz Bouteflika, and considered to have close relations with the politically powerful Algerian military. RND got 9.5% of the votes in the 2002 elections.

The Movement of Society for Peace (MSP)
The Movement of Society for Peace is an Islamist party led by Mahfoud Nahnah until his death in 2003. The current leader is Bouguerra Soltani. It is part of the ruling coalition together with the FLN and RND. This party has close relations with international Muslim Brotherhood. Furthermore, it favours the Civil Harmony Act, an amnesty for guerrillas who lay down their arms and is strongly opposed to proposed changes in the Algerian Family Code.
In the 2002 elections it received 7% of the votes.
Website: http://www.hmsalgeria.net/ 

Workers' Party
The Worker’s Party is a Trotskyist political party who has close relations with the Worker’s Party in France. The party is led by Louisa Hanoune. In 2004 she was the first woman in Algeria to run for the presidential elections. She received 101.630 votes (1%) in the elections. Currently it is the largest opposition party.
Website: http://membres.lycos.fr/pstdz/ 

Algerian National Front 
The Algerian National Front was founded in 1954. The current leader is Moussa Touati.  
Website: http://www.fna.dz/ 
Rally for Culture and Democracy (RCD)
The Rally for Culture and Democracy (RCD) is a Berber based radically secularist political party which was founded in 1989 by Saïd Sadi. In the local elections of 1990, boycotted by the Front of Socialist Forces (FFS), the RCD focused on the demands of the Berbers and took control of most local governments in the Berber region without any difficulty. In 1991 however, during the parliamentary elections, it did not win a single seat while the FFS, which took part in the elections for the first time, won 25 seats. The party leader Saïd Sadi, who was a presidential candidate in 1995, won 9.3% of the votes. In 1997 the RCD won 19 seats at the parliamentary elections. In 2002 they boycotted the elections because of the lack of rights of the Berber population.
Website: http://www.rcd-algerie.org/ 

Other (parliamentary) parties:
* MP-s from these parties have been elected as Independents.
 
Movement for National Reform
The Movement for National Reform (MRN) is a moderate Islamist political party. The party was parting faction from the Ennahda movement (Islamic Renaissance Movement), after that party opted for cooperation with Algeria's government. Party leader Abdallah Djaballah then left to found and lead the more radically oppositional el-Islah which called for the a boycott of the elections. The current party leader is Abdallah Djaballah. 
In 2007 elections the party lost heavily, gaining only 4,22% of the votes and 3 seats compared to 43 in the 2002 Parliament.

Islamic Renaissance Movement 
The Islamic Renaissance Movement was founded in 1990 as a Islamist center-right party, which claims the ideology of the Islamic Brotherhood movement in Egypt. The political leader is Lahbib Adami. 
In the 2002 elections it received 0.6% of the votes and one member in the Parliament. Since the last elections (2007) the party has 5 members of the People's National Assembly, when it got 3,39% of the votes.

Party of Algerian Renewal
The party of Algerian Renewal is a minor political party, led by Yacine Terkamne. It received 0,3% of he votes in the 2002 elections and had one member in the Parliament.

Movement of National Understanding
The Movement of National Understanding is a minor political party, led by Ali Boukhazna. It received 0.2% of the votes in the 2002 elections and had one member in parliament. During the last elections of 2007, it won 4 seats.

Movement for Democracy in Algeria 
The Movement for Democracy in Algeria is a moderate Islamist party that boycotted the 2002 elections. Its political leader is Ahmed Ben Bella.
Website: http://www.wmd.org/ 

Ahd 54  
Ahd 54 (meaning Oath 54) is a minor Algerian party led by Ali Fawzi Rebaine. He was one of the founders of the independent Algerian Human Rights League in 1985 and was jailed several times. The name of the party is a reference to the principles carried out by the FLN when it led the war of independence.
Rebaine was also a candidate for the presidential elections in 2004. He received 0.6% of the votes. In the last election, the party received 2,26% of the votes and 2 seats.
Website: http://www.ahd54.org/ 

Islamic Salvation Front 
The Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) is an outlawed Islamist political party in Algeria. The FIS centres its ideology on the strict respect of Islamic values. It was founded on 18 February 1989, soon after it was allowed to establish other parties than the ruling single party FLN, and was legalised by the Interior Ministry on 16 September 1989.Since its creation, the FIS has appeared as the country’s leading political party. During the 12 June 1990 local elections, it won 54.3% of the votes, proving its solid implantation in a large number of regions. During the first round of the parliamentary elections in 1991 it won 47.3% of the votes. After the army’s show of strength, which interrupted the electoral process on 11 January 1992, the FIS was outlawed. The army saw the seeming certainty of resulting FIS rule as unacceptable. It cancelled electoral process, forcing President Bendjedid to resign, arresting many FIS members and declaring a state of emergency. The party reorganised in exile and illegally in Algeria. The Army of Islamic Salvation (AIS), the FIS’s armed brach, became active in July 1992. The situation changed after the election of President Bouteflika in April 1999. Two months after his election, the AIS proclaimed a unilateral cease-fire, which was followed by the pardon given by Bouteflika of 2300 jailed Islamists. Bouteflika also presented the National Harmony Law, that was adopted and it provides for an amnesty for members and supporters of the AIS. The FIS could eventually be recognized in the future as a political party but under a different name as the 1996 constitution bans political parties based on religion. But the main problem is that the FIS has no capable leader that can lead the party into legislation. This is a consequence of the actions of the government during the Civil War, in which the main leader of the FIS was executed and others were imprisoned. The former members of FIS called to boycott the last elections.
In early October 2011, an informal committee was set up by a group of political activists, legal experts and members of parliament to prepare the ground for the inclusion of Islamist forces into Algerian politics including the return of exiled militants and activists. The response from PM Ouyahia has been categorically negative on any lifting of the ban on FIS activity and the Parliament prolonged the banning of the party in December 2011.
Website: http://www.fisweb.org/
 
Updated: 14.12.11